Saturday, November 29, 2008

Found in my old papers! School in a Box

Hi friends and colleagues,

 

There has been occasional controversy on the first use of the term and concept of a ‘School in a Box’. 

 

I found this old article from Refugees magazine in 1989 and I am copying it for those (the Anthonies, Elisa) who were involved when we created this powerful response to the way displaced schools were treated in Khartoum, often being bulldozed at 5 minutes’ notice.   The concept was to have everything in a box – but also, sadly to be able to pack the school back into the box and carry it away to a safe place.  Being displaced in Khartoum then, as now, was a very precarious existence. (Anthony Sebit, Anthony Wani and I wrote the study ‘Creating a Future’  at this time describing the state of education for southerners both in the north and in Juba).   

 

The School-in-a-box was accompanied by the ‘Teacher Assistance Course’, for untrained ‘volunteer’ teachers which was written by SOLU (which at that time also initiated the Foundation course for over-age southerners, a modular self-help course, which was widely used and trialled in JRS evening education centres).  

 

This was an ancestor of the current ‘Bon Enseignant’ and ‘Be  Better Teacher’ (written in UNESCO-PEER in Hargeisa) courses.

 

The SOLU integrated package was carried to Somalia by UNESCO-PEER in 1990.   This then with further development became TEP, which was one of the responses to the Rwanda emergency and has now been widely used and developed for example by NRC, with strong emphasis on the training side.  

 

Of course I have oversimplified and there were many valuable contributions to its development, though in some cases it also lost its flexibility and became fossilised.

 

It developed further in Zambia as the Spark/Zedukit Community Schools project, which is still running.  

 

There have been so many subkits (teacher’s kit, pupils’ kit, school kit, sports kit, science kit – the latter goes back a long way with Michael Brophy now of the Africa Educational Trust being an expert).

 

I am in the process of writing all this up and I wonder if anyone can push the dates back earlier and/or fill in more details.

 

In SOLU we would never claim to have originated the idea of a school kit, but we did claim the name!   As they say there are sometimes ‘many fathers’, but at least one agency’s strange claim in their 60th anniversary publicity to have invented it in Tanzania in 1994 is forgetful of their own important role in developing the concept earlier than that!  

 

Barry

 

From: Barry Sesnan [mailto:bsesnan@yahoo.com]
Sent: Tuesday, November 18, 2008 9:29 PM
To: 'Vance Culbert'; dabla toure; 'Eldrid Kvamen Midttun'; Solveig Borgenvik Voll
Cc: 'Eva Ahlen'; Tim Brown (brownunhcr@yahoo.com)
Subject: Found in my old papers!

 

The photos were not provided by me.

Friday, November 07, 2008

FW: For all you ex- or would be- AIDS activists

Reporters interviewing a 104-year-old woman:
"And what do you think is the best thing about being 104?" the reporter
asked.
She simply replied, "No peer pressure."

Barry Sesnan

Friday, July 11, 2008

Loath

From a report:

NGO officials are loath to put a figure on lives potentially saved or

additional people helped if the money spent on transportation went to

food instead, but one analyst said it could roughly double the number

of beneficiaries based on the assumption that 70-80 million people now

receive US food aid annually.

This must be a record, as NGOs are wont to slap a figure usually with a lot of zeroes onto anything that moves (and doesnt!).  But we know we are still in familiar territory with roughly double and then the estimated figure in millions which means that they were not really loath after all.

Sunday, June 29, 2008

A different take ...

A different take ...

 

From:  Veronika Fuest, Changing roles and opportunities for women in Liberia, in African Affairs 107/427

Many women have had to resort to prostitution to survive and / or support their families.  However the question may be asked if all these women are to be viewed as just passive victims, or also as agents with the scope to make choices. While I do not want to deny the extensive exploitation by outright or subtle enforcement of prostitution by kin, it should be mentioned that 'loving business', women's profitable utilisation of multiple partnerships with men, has for decades constituted a regular if hidden feature in the income and networking strategies of many women from all quarters of Liberian society.

While some staff of UN organisations, peace-keeping forces and NGOs as well as politicians and businessmen, have been accused of taking advantage of the girls' economic situation, it may be equally true that many girls are taking advantage of the presence of thousands of unattached foreign men with deep pockets rather than – or in addition to – sweating in the rice fields or in the markets, or depending on kin for support.



--
Posted By Barry to Barry's Book on 6/29/2008 09:21:00 PM

Saturday, February 02, 2008

At least for boys ...

GLOBAL: Good early nutrition can make you richer

Eating nutritious food at an early age will not only ensure a source of income as an adult but also better pay, according to a study published in the current issue of The Lancet, a leading British medical journal.

The study, conducted in four villages in Guatemala, found that boys who received atole, a gruel made of skimmed milk powder, sugar and vegetable protein, in the first two years of life earned on average 46 percent higher wages as adults, while boys who received atole in their first three years earned 37 percent higher wages on average. Those who first received the supplement after age three did not gain any economic benefits as adults.

Full report: http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=76527

Tuesday, January 22, 2008

The devil is in the details: Assessment and Certification of Education in Difficult Circumstances

When an education system is set up or restored after an emergency, a war or a major population movement, it cannot be long before the twin questions of assessment and certification arise. Assessment may be to establish the quality or the ‘quantity’ of achievement and past learning. It may be for many reasons, from a loss of certificates to a need to identify the right entry point on a new education ladder.

The demand for this assessment may come from the pupils, students or parents; it may also come from education authorities, education committees (official, or representing the affected community) or from a potential benefactor.

Once assessment is possible, certification is usually needed. However, this in itself may not be sufficient unless it is too ‘local and neither internationally recognised nor ‘portable’.

Frequently, even when a system is actually available there are obstacles, bureaucratic, financial or otherwise, which can prevent the usually poor, and certainly powerless candidate from being able to use them.

To give a recent example, the tripartite agreements signed in 2006 between Sudan, UNHCR and former host country like Kenya all contain a small paragraph stating that qualifications obtained while in exile will be recognised in Sudan. However, in practice when the returnee gets back to Sudan, absolutely nothing is in place to ensure that his or her qualification is automatically recognised. No official has been briefed. It can take typically one year of fruitless, and costly, bureaucracy involving both Juba and Khartoum to obtain entry to university or to a college.

To take another pair of examples, the Kenyan education system insists that everyone, foreigner or national must study Swahili and take it in the examination. No exemptions are granted. The Sudan school system insists that you must be a Muslim or a Christian, but provides the Islamic paper only in Arabic (which most returnees don’t know, havng studied Islamic knowledge in Engish in their host countries.)

Finally, to illustrate that sometimes policies can even be contradictory, Congolese refugees in Tanzania followed the Congolese curriculum with the blessing of their hosts. However the authorities in Congo itself would not allow Sudanese refugees to follow their home curriculum!

A common theme in all of these is how easily these problems could have been solved with some effective lobbying and a little good will on each side.

Equally important though, is the need to follow through. Signing something at well-organised ceremony in front of the cameras is certainly not enough. There must be a mechanism to ‘accompany’ the people concerned.

This paper presents a rough analysis of this practical level as it is perceived by the refugee, returnee or displaced person. It seeks to show that ‘the devil is in the details’.


Refugees

especially if they are

  • Unable to prove their level of education before exile
  • Not following the syllabus of their host country (e.g. Somalis in Djibouti)
  • Not willing (or able, usually for language reasons) to use the syllabus of their host country (e.g. Southern Sudanese in DRC who can see no reason to learn in French )
  • Not using the language of examinations in their home country (e.g. most Southern Sudanese refugees)

Returnees

  • Who need their education in exile to be recognised when they go back (e.g. Somalis in Ethiopia and Djibouti or Southern Sudanese in Uganda).
  • Who, like temporary teachers, or trained on the job health workers, need evidence of training they have done while in exile.

People studying by correspondence or distance education
They are usually adults, such as teachers doing upgrading courses, or health workers, or untrained volunteers in camps or remote areas

Teachers do these courses both for their own reasons and the welfare of the pupils. Upgrading is a tradition in the teaching profession which goes some way to compensation for low pay and difficult work and conditions. This applies to teachers in rural schools, in slum schools and in refugee camps. It also applies to the increasing number of teachers who have never been trained.

Students

  • In an area under an authority with no international recognition such as in Southern Sudan (then) and Southern Somalia.
  • where there is no authority at all.
  • studying alone
  • who need certificates in subjects or through languages, not provided by the authority they live under (such as the Southern Sudanese in Khartoum or refugees in Ethiopian primary schools). This also applies in the reverse where students are required to sit for a subject they have no interest in -- such as Swahili at primary leaving level in Kenya.
  • Those who require certification of 'interrupted' education so they can proceed up the education ladder without too much repetition, the so-called 'stranded students'
  • Those who need a certificate to proceed up the educational ladder, e.g. to certify the end of primary
  • Those trying to catch up: Youth out of school, Older people

Certification of teachers being trained in the field
Certification of the standard of English
This is also known to be in great demand for specific types of employment and for entry to tertiary education.
Diagnostic tests:
Enabling students to know their own standard, and placing them accurately on the 'ladder' of the new country are regarded as high priority.

The certification of Single subjects, such as computer, driving or business studies.
Issues
In providing certification there are several issues to be considered:
Portability, Compatibility and External Validity
Many pupils and students are learning in systems that have self-assessment or internal assessment only; no external validation is available. To get employment or to proceed up the educational ladder the students need a certificate which is valid anywhere; this validity will have to be long-term. A method of establishing compatibility with other certificates is usually necessary.

Students who already have certificates need them to be recognised. They may have prior studies which they would like to be assessed so they do not repeat years in school.

All of these imply providing an answer to the question: ‘Will my certificate be recognised universally, especially when going home from exile?'

Lack of knowledge among candidates about examinations and about their own standard
Those working with such students report that lack of knowledge about examinations is a major problem. Many students have an inaccurate picture of their own standard and ability and waste their efforts (and money) on inappropriate examinations.

Certain private institutions in Britain or USA with grandiose names (‘Oxford Colleges of Smallville’) exploit this lack of knowledge.

Accessibility and Flexibility
This can be said to be simply: ‘How to get the candidates and the examination together in the same place’. This includes how to get examination to the candidates as well as how to get the candidate to the examination.

Further there are many constraints to taking examinations, such as

  • The rigidity of examination rules and timetables; exam bodies have legitimate concerns about security of their examinations, but sometimes the rules seem too rigid.
  • Subjects often cannot be taken separately; a certificate cannot be accumulated in a modular fashion
  • There are restrictions, such as age limits or nationality rules, which may not be necessary in the context
  • There are no optional questions offered (such as, say home country history) even though this would e a very simple thing to do.

Flexibility
Taking all subjects at one sitting, say in just two weeks, is very damaging to students.
Option papers both in subject and medium.
Reducing the constraints by

  • allowing more flexible times,
  • allowing the subjects to be taken separately,
  • allowing the certificate to be made up in a modular fashion over two or three years.
  • allowing options (eg in geography or in medium of instruction)

This includes allowing the candidates to take single subject at a sitting.
Language
Language is a big issue, both in subject and medium, for refugees and others, particularly the language used in the examinations (the medium of assessment) which may differ from the language used in learning.

The will

In many cases the student's desire for a certificate is strong, but there is little will in the system to help. Having a central place to look to will be important.

Cost
Last but not least is the cost of examinations, both in money and time. This can be very high. In the Dungu experience listed below, the cost per student was in the range of $300 for registration alone. The delivery costs were extremely high also.

Validation of existing qualifications
Where examinations are given or certificates have become old.
Security
The security of examinations from source to candidate and of the answer papers from candidate to examining body is of prime concern

Examples of the need and some solutions

Some stories:
Uganda 1990
About 200 refugee students did not sit the Uganda primary leaving examination because no one produced the $100 needed to register them (US 0.50 cents each).

Sudan 1993
When the Sudan government allowed Ugandan refugees to be returned to Uganda by a special airlift, the majority who went back were students who had spent some years in the Sudanese education system. As they lined up at the airport in Juba, security officers systematically removed their examination certificates and other documents and destroyed them saying, 'you will not need those in Uganda'.

They did need them - to establish their place on the educational ladder -- and were set back at least two years in their education, having to be assessed again in the camps in Uganda.

Note: when this started happening well-wishers in Uganda alerted UNHCR in Juba and asked them to accept the certificates before the students got to the airport and 'pouch' them to Uganda. They refused to do this!

Uganda 1992-94
An NGO and the Uganda government set up a simple assessment system to allow Sudanese refugees (and organisers) to know which class in the Uganda system they should enter. This revealed that many intermediate (junior secondary) students would be better off returning to primary schools. Though the students were not happy with this, in the long run obtaining a primary leaving certificate was of help. Importantly, they entered secondary school with a more solid background. There is firm evidence that these students did much better in their final examinations than those who placed themselves in secondary schools at the level they had nominally reached years before in Sudan.

This was analysed as being the result of (a) too many years out of school and (b) the difference in practice (6 years primary in Sudan against 7 years in Uganda a generally longer school day and school year) and philosophy (more practical work in Uganda) of the two education systems.

Congo 1993
Southern Sudanese students in exile in Dungu, then Zaire, set up a self-help secondary school but could not find a certificate to sit for. They had no access to the world and no way of judging what would be most useful for them.

In one year Cambridge Overseas examinations were provided for them by an educational NGO devoted to Southern Sudanese refugees, but it was a very expensive and difficult process, both to pay for the exam registration and to deliver the exams to them. And they all failed, because they had chosen wrong combinations of subjects.

Southern Sudan in the sixties
Pupils from Southern Sudan who were near enough to the Uganda border registered in sympathetic Ugandan schools for the primary leaving examination and marched through the night to sit the papers the next morning. This was repeated on a much larger scale in the 90s and into 2000s.

Guinea '90s
In an excellent example of co-operation the West Aftican Examination Council papers were made available to Liberian refugees in Guinea. It must have helped that W AEC was used to providing examinations' offshore', operating as it does in 5 countries and providing examination centres in London and New York.

Malawi early '90s
Refugees from Mozambique were not fleeing trom the government but from the rebels. It was
possible for the Mozambique government to supervise the education provided in the camps. Therefore the education could be in Portuguese.

Congo 1999
In September 1999 at the signing of the peace accord in Lusaka, the UN flew all the 1997 school leaving examination papers from Kivu to Kinshasa for marking -- thus starting to unblock the way for large numbers of school students stranded on the educational ladder as a result of the civil strife.

Monday, December 17, 2007


My book 'How to teach English' is still on sale, but difficult to find in an ordinary bookshop it seems.

For Teachers friend, there is a totally new version coming out. Please contact me for it.

Wednesday, December 05, 2007

RE: What I wrote once ...

In south Sudan, as elsewhere in Africa, the Church is often seen as
'civil society, indeed at times to represent it. In Afghanistan, as in
Sri Lanka it seems, there is much rhetoric about the 're'(?) emergence
of civil society as a way of securing peace. Yet here in most areas of
the country this means older men whose views are seen to represent
others. Some support the Taliban and very few have any kind of
commitment to the principles of democracy that empowering them is
argued to do.

NGOs in Afghanistan are calling for more support, more funding to civil
society. Yet there is almost no real understanding of what impact this
has. The National solidarity programme, international funding through
the Govt to NGOs, claims to empower civil society and women (two
different things) yet there is no baseline by which to judge any
advance.

Empowerment (whatever that means) seems to neglect the issue of who is
being empowered and what impact that has on other dynamics, especially
at a local level. It also seems to assume that civil society is
homogonous where in reality it is usually polarised ethnically, in
class terms, occasionally (but increasingly rarely) in terms of
ideology which is not necessarily self interest.

I once wrote (but can't find) a piece on meaningless words used by
humanitarian agencies. Did I include Civil society? Probably.

Graham Wood

Humanitarian Consultant
Now in Afghanistan

==

In pre-Tsunami Sri Lanka civil society strengthening became a key
criteria for selection of projects by donors, this based on the
theories that a
peace dividend and increased social cohesion (another famous word here)
would
stabilize the peace process. This was despite the fact that the largest
and
most mobilized civil society groups, including Buddhist movements, were
continuously
demonstrating for a return to conflict.

One could still argue however that they were civil.

Vance Culbert


Seen on Reliefweb, immediately following an advertisement for a job in people trafficking:

Procurement Specialist, South Africa

International Centre for Migration Policy Development

I wonder which meaning of procurement they actually mean

What I wrote once ...

I am civil society

‘Civil society’ as a phrase has an honourable ancestry in politics. One phase of the evolution of countries post-independence and of the evolution-in-parallel of NGOS and UN bodies has been the gradual emergence of the idea of ‘Civil Society’ as opposed to uncivil society? To military society? To ecclesiastical society? …. Well, that is another question.

This is just to celebrate the enterprising man who not only declared in a coordination meeting that he represented ALL of civil society, but that his NGO was called Civil Society.  Like the Church of God which appears in its name to have monopolised all religious possibilities at least for monotheists, Mr Civil Society presented himself as the unique interlocutor. His only reward though, was to be ignored by everyone.


Barry Sesnan

barrysbook.blogspot.com  ..     ebrealitycheck.blogspot.com


Sunday, December 02, 2007

FW:

      Voluntarism

      Spurred by a UNHCR remark some years ago that: Payment can destroy the sense of responsibility that refugees feel for their welfare. I wrote the following

      I actually have a fairly jaded attitude to voluntarism in Africa just now, not about work-camps, joint seminars etc. but trying to get labour for free as we often do in refugee camps. It is complex and coloured by various experiences, including in some work I am doing in Congo just now, where the international NGO pays almost nothing for teachers getting training in the afternoons on the grounds that ‘that is the government’s job’. Since the government doesn’t even get round to paying them a salary, displacing themselves to be trained (with no guarantee of promotion at the end of it – also the government’s job) involves the teachers in significant costs (not able to farm, fish etc on those days).

      Why, firstly, asking mostly poor Africans to volunteer when they have no job, no ‘cushion’, no alternative is dubious I feel. In refugee camps teachers and young people are asked to volunteer to get the schools going, and that is fine …. For a year. Then they also have the right to earn some money for their work. Secondly, there is a world of difference between the first world volunteer and the third world volunteer. This is particularly relevant when you think of Red Crosss fundamental belief in the value of volunteering.

      In another aspect of the same thing, when I was doing HIV/AIDS prevention work in Congo in UNICEF one of our partner NGOs (In this case the partnership was like that I have with my small dog who hangs around the table wagging his tale waiting for me to throw him something) rightly identified the bicycle taxi boys as good carriers of the prevention message to youth (like hairdressers and rap singers, for example) and told them to come for five afternoons’ training.

      They refused on the grounds that

      a) they were being given nothing to compensate for the income they would lose and

      b) the NGO was full of fat people who were obviously getting ‘something’ from UNICEF which they were not passing on.

      They were right of course.

      (I told them to make themselves into a suitable partner we could deal with directly! Thus indirectly encouraging that proliferation of NGOs that is so difficult to handle).


Wednesday, September 26, 2007

Stayees and the people who have sense

And then, the realisation that the people who suffered most after a refugee crisis lasting many years were actually those who stayed at home (now after years granted their own bit of jargon: ‘stayees’). In Juba in 2005 the Juba people saw themselves as heroes for having lived through 20 years of hell (and it was truly grim) and the SPLM who believe they should be grateful for being liberated (and incidentally should give up their posts and jobs to the incoming SPLMs who ‘enjoyed’ -- according to Juba people -- in exile). The people coming back from 15 years in refugee camps in Uganda were taller, healthier and much better educated than those who had stayed at home. Something which was the case in eastern Congo also where refugees came back who had had no interruption to their education when they were in exile, to live among a mentally, and sometimes physically, stunted (better word xx) population whose schools had all been closed for years.

In another place, aid workers could be heard actually to question whether a water supply or an electricity supply was a good thing. Questions no one would dream of asking in Ghana or Kenya, or in Europe.

And then what about the time when the wars in Congo were dying down and the UN system declared that it was now time for the population to start going back home to Bunia. A whole integrated programme was mounted along the route from North Kivu, way stations provided with water and so on. But no one went. Why? Well once again, no one actually asked the people. Their children were all in school. The school year had three months to run and there were important exams to take. No one was going to move until they were over.

During all this, I wondered how we forgot, occasionally, our common sense. One of the kindest people I know who over the years, by his practical approaches has made life easier for so many people in conflict and post-conflict areas, seriously suggested, after the massacres in Bunia that one way to guarantee a better future would be to make sure that we only aided schools where all the children of the warring tribal groups attended together. This was just months after massacres, when the communal graves were everywhere What parent would take (or send) her child across the increasingly serious line between the factions to make an ideological point?

Numbers ending in a lot of zeroes.

In Southern Sudan there were six million people in the census in the early eighties (including me). Most people believe that by the mid-nineties only 2 million remained in the south, 2 million had fled and 2 million died who shouldn’t have. This number ‘feels’ right, sounds convenient and is very easy to keep alive in documentation. I have used it myself.

Yet, I have always said: Never believe any figure ending in three zeroes, especially if it comes from a UN body or an NGO. It is usually plucked out of the sky.

So what about these figures ending in six zeroes? Well, certainly, it is impossible to verify them. I have a close knowledge of certain parts of the Southern Sudanese population, originating in Equatoria. I taught the parents and now know the children and I have to agree that one third of them have certainly been in exile (probably more), another third are in a strange limbo, sometimes in, sometimes out (it is a border area) but I could not justify a claim that one third of them died. That would mean that of the six hundred students we had in our first year in Juba Day Secondary school, 200 had died. Even allowing for the normal death rate, and for specific cases I know about, such as one executed for some infraction when he became an SPLA officer, and the baby of one of my ex-clerks who died from his father’s drunken neglect, and a group of wild life officers executed by the Arabs in 1992 for suspected sympathy with the SPLA incursion into Juba (which left lasting resentment, as the SPLA didn’t follow through, so many people who had revealed their sympathies were punished by the Arabs when the SPLA withdrew). I cannot say that I know that one third died.

In Congo, through knowledge of people I work with, the ‘extra deaths’ theory would seem to be more plausible. The mother of one of my trainers was the only one of nine Hema women captured by the Lendus one day who was not hacked to death. There are huge areas where there has been no modern medical care for years, even preceding the war. Still, three million ….

Often when we find that an NGO is reporting devastation in ‘its’ area, if we examine a little deeper we find that a good part of the population didn’t die, they just fled. Goma went from 50,000 people to 500,000 people in ten years. Much of the increase was of people flowing in from conflict-ridden rural areas. Schools closing in rural areas were matched by heavily overcrowded schools in the town And this urbanisation will 'stick'; not everyone will go back, ever, whatever we in agencies think should happen.

I am civil society

‘Civil society’ as a phrase has an honourable ancestry in politics. One phase of the evolution of countries post-independence and of the evolution-in-parallel of NGOS and UN bodies has been the gradual emergence of the idea of ‘Civil Society’ ... as opposed to uncivil society? To military society? To ecclesiastical society? …. Well, that is another question.

This is just to celebrate the enterprising man who not only declared in a coordination meeting in Goma that he represented ALL of civil society, but that his NGO was called Civil Society. Like the Church of God which appears in its name to have monopolised all religious possibilities at least for monotheists, Mr Civil Society presented himself as the unique interlocutor. His only reward though, was to be ignored by everyone.

Coordination

Coordination is rarely in the interest of the beneficiaries, and not always in the interest of agencies. Discuss.

When there were four refugee camps around the town of Yei in Southern Sudan, managed by four different NGOs there was an interesting ‘market’ for the refugees. It was not long before opinions were clear, while education might be better in camp A, health care was definitely better in camp C. Logically, this should have led to better services all round, but lax monitoring led instead to a different outcome: each refugee family distributed its members over all four camps.

And they got 4 food distributions.

Coordination actually takes away the ‘free market’ element from the beneficiaries and reduces their freedom to choose. It can be seen as a ‘disempowering’ [jargon] act as it takes away some of their possible choices and takes away from the agency the need to provide quality service, because there is no competition. We would not tolerate this in business, allowing people to set themselves up as a sole provider, and with limited provision at that.

While it is clear that beneficiaries do not always benefit from coordination, the agencies are also ambivalent about it. They subscribe to the principle, attend the meetings, but because they are also competing for funding they do not always subscribe to the practice, and may indeed sabotage it. Examples can be cited from any level from grass-roots NGOs (‘these are my people; no one understands them like I do’) to very big agencies (‘We accept coordination of course, but only to the extent it helps us’ – actual quote from a Unicef Representative).

just to show how keen we are on coordination consider this: In Goma in the early 2000s the four agencies in one compound always went to coordination meetings in four cars.

And how many times has a UN house actually contained ALL the UN bodies in a given town?

NGos are nto exempt - often coordination seems to exist only to cover up the fact that the NGOs don't have enough money to do all they want.



Not joined up

UNICEF, like many other international agencies does procurement for all its activities in Copenhagen or Dubai, because it is cheaper. No account is taken of the huge number of small enterprises everywhere in Africa which folded – or never grew -- because of this decision, and the massive unemployment which followed. UNICEF says it is because it is a humanitarian agency, not really a development body. Yet alongside, UNDP and others are busily saying that they are developing.

After the volcano I had a hard time getting permission to have school desks made locally, even though there was no shortage of wodd, carpenters, or saw mills.

However, we should also be a little honest also - sometimes, local procurement is not doing a lot for the locals, because we procure from big Lebanese or Indian compaies, which are actually exploiting their workers (but do provide a cheaper price).

Room for a bit of ethical thinking here, I think. .

A bright idea in the 1980s in S Sudan

An NGO, I think it was Oxfam (usually known as Oxfarm, which seemed more logical on agriculture projects), had set up a good project among the Acholis of Sudan building on the system, widespread in the region, of ‘brigade’ farming. In this system a group of young farmers worked together to cultivate their land. The practical number was around 20 and they would all congregate on one persons land, weed it, or hoe it all day and then in the evening the person they worked for provided the entertainment and food. The next morning, crack of dawn, or even before, they were at the next plot, and so on. This way with their tremendous energy, copious flows of grain-beer (actually fairly nutritious, another problem when the anti-alcohol laws came in) they covered large areas.

Oxfam/Oxfarm’s innovation was to provide oxen, not actually traditional, but which greatly magnified the area covered. There was one snag though. They kept on getting slaughtered by the elders for their next marriage to a young girl. The young men had no say in this (and truth to tell might well have done the same if they were older). So there was simple clash of meaning, as anthropologists might say.

For young Odongo the ox was his tractor; for his uncle Okello it was exactly what was needed to have a good traditional ceremony, and was already in the family so it was free.

Along comes Oxfam’s young agricultural worker who has pondered the situation. He meets the elders and asks them if they have noticed that he injects the oxen every so often, and that the oxen are not actually very productive on the reproductive front. So?, said the elders. Well, said the extension worker, anyone who eats the beef of these animals will probably suffer the same loss of powers.

Problem solved; no animals were slaughtered again!



Thursday, April 19, 2007

The following article from a refugee magazine is notable for the fact that it can't actually prove anything. In fact it says clearly that it doesn't know the real facts but still makes strong assertions.

Please note the highlights which all deal with speculation or what 'must be true'.

This style is far too common! It seems that rape is exempt from normal rigour in proof. Yet I know the researcher who did the 2002 work and she was very very careful in what she wrote, with the result that her report was very powerful and chilling.

It reminds me of having to do an 'Orphans of AIDS project ' in Kinshasa. Even though our surveys showed that this population was NOT distinguished as a separate group by the extended families who just saw them simply as orphans, the donor insisted we had to pick out some children to fit their category. It led to quite invidious situations.

Similarly in this article we are asked to be indignant (and we would be right to be indignant) about something for the extent of which actually there is virtually no direct statistical evidence.

I know the area; I know it to be true - rape is rampant - but are we well-served by such vagueness? It would not be tolerated in any other field.

We should also naturally be suspicious of round figures like 100,000. How can anyone prove or disprove this? Out of how many women?

What does not fit very well with what I know is the unproved assertion that rape has become an weapon in ethnic war. In Ituri, they killed pregnant women and unborn babies on ethnic grounds, but did they rape also on those grounds, or just because they were armed men out of control, as in any war?

And has anyone at all done the follow up to find out if there has been an HIV epidemic? There has been enough time to do it.


"SHEER BRUTALITY

HIV may compound the suffering of women raped in the eastern DRC.

Over the past decade, fighters from many different groups have ranged up and down the eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo slaughtering people, robbing and destroying property – and also raping tens of thousands of women and girls. Several experts involved with the issue in eastern DRC believe the true number of rape victims in the last ten year to be well over 100,000. Many, including Beatrice M (See previous interview) have been kept as sex slaves for weeks or months on end.

The aim – at least in part – seemed to be to use women as a means to of helping to damage or destroy the entire communities because of their ethnic, tribal or political affiliation: once again – as in Bosnia and Darfur – rape has been used consciously, and with the utmost callousness, as a weapon of war [Conclusion not justified by the evidence given]. A petrified population, deserted villages and what will most probably turn out to be a severe HIV epidemic.

“The conflict itself has made it virtually impossible to obtain reliable statistics,” said Paul De lay, Director of the UNAIDS Evaluation Division, Nevertheless, in 2002, Human Rights Watch estimated that as many as 60 per cent of the armed men roaming the countryside raping, torturing and mutilating women and girls could be HIV- positive, and noted that almost none of the women had access to services and care.

Now, however, medical workers are beginning to get to areas that have been long cut off by conflict. Their findings are chilling.

The NGO Global Rights claimed that just in the province of South Kivu, some 42,000 women were treated in health clinics for “serious sexual assaults” in 2005 alone. Doctors and Women’s groups report that the assaults are notable not only in their scale, but also for their sheer brutality.

One survivor told NGO, Human Rescue: “Sometimes the rapes are so violent that the woman dies… We can be attacked anywhere and at anytime of day or night: in the fields, at the market, on the way to collect water, in our houses… They are destroying us, body and soul.

Aware that they may never reach the majority of the victims, UNHCR and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) have nevertheless been working together since early 2006 to provide survivors with treatment and counseling, by training health-workers how to deal with rape.

Survivors are encouraged to come forward within 72 hours so they can take a post-exposure prophylaxis against HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. However, many women continue to conceal the fact that they have been raped because they fear social ostracism.

As part of a regional initiative on AIDS, alongside the governments of Burundi, DRC, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda, UNHCR has also been focusing on establishing comprehensive HIV and AIDS programmes for refugees, returnees, and internally displaced people and local communities in all six countries.

And sensitization about HIV and AIDS is also an integral part of the disarmament. Demobilization and reintegration programme that began in July 2004. The challenge is not just to raise awareness about AIDS among ex-combants, but to try to persuade them to change their sexual behavior.

Participants receive information about the virus, and how it is transmitted. They learn why fighters are a high-risk group. And they are offered voluntary testing and counseling services. But few volunteer to be tested, stoking fears that large numbers of infected demobilized militia will return to their communities and boost the epidemic even further.

....

Sarah Russell
Global Coalition on Women and AIDS.

Thursday, February 01, 2007

And the Chicken played the Chorale

The businessman is having his shoes shined by a cheerful teenage boy by the roadside. The mobile phone rings. The big man searches his suit pockets and briefcase but it is the boy who whips his phone out of his back pocket and, without missing a brush stroke, makes an appointment later in the day to shine his caller’s shoes.

This advertisement on Uganda television delighted everyone as they identified with the youth’s cheerfulness and ambition and also realised how their assumptions had been challenged. Mobile phones were now not for the elite alone but for everyone.
Other advertisements showed children calling grandma in the village, and later in very funny vignettes, instantly recognisable characters: the typical ‘briefcase’ businessman with a phone at each ear whose third phone then rings, the woman in the village who instinctively kneels according to her culture when her husband rings, the hairdresser who absently-minded pours water over her client’s face while talking to her boyfriend on the mobile.
Phones for the people
By 2000 when the shoe-shine boy advert aired, the South African company MTN had smashed the monopoly of the existing mobile company, which had priced its phones and services out of the reach of more than a handful of the elite. Now, for less than $100 you could have a phone on the spot, sold by trained salesgirls and boys who were polite to you, cheerfully explained how it worked and you didn’t even have to give your name or fill in a form.
What a contrast with the situation before, when to get a telephone you had to fill in a four-page form with a photograph, get counter-signatures from four levels of local government and then wait and wait, even if you had agreed to give a little something to the installation engineer. In 1990 Uganda had fewer than 1000 business and domestic phones with access outside East Africa. In 2006 there were more than a million ‘mobiles’, all capable of calling anyone in the world.
People often choose communication over other items. A survey that rattled the beer companies in Uganda asked people in the ubiquitous chicken, pork and beer roadside joints what they would buy if they had only $5 left at the end of the evening. The majority chose a phone card over more beer, something which also had real implications for the economy as all the phone card revenue leaves the country, since the phone companies are basically foreign, whereas the beer at least is brewed in Uganda.
It is astonishing how people in ‘officially’ poor countries afford phones, or at least phone calls. Throughout Africa used phone cards litter the streets, even in very ‘deprived’ quarters. I recall being at a seminar in Kinshasa where someone challenged some of the assumptions of NGOs by asking how come, if people were so poor, even the poorer quartiers were littered with discarded phone cards. The person posing the question became pretty unpopular, confirming once again that one should never challenge the humanitarian agencies’ premise that the people are poor!
Of course the cards do not indicate that everyone has a phone. People load up other people’s phones with units they have bought, so they can use them. There are commercial phone providers who sit by the road side with a mobile and live on the tiny excess they charge you to call on their phone. In Uganda one of the companies made its service even better by having ‘fixed mobiles’ that used the mobile network but were in a shop or on a little table. There are also some extra-mobile mobiles rigged up in a sort of booth on the back of a bicycle and circulating the markets. As you would shout Boda! to get a cyclist-taximan to come to pick you up, you shout Phone! and it cycles in a leisurely manner towards you.
When mobile companies started billing in seconds, rather than whole minutes, there was a sudden explosion of roadside ‘simu ya jamii’ (family phones) where you bought a fixed number of seconds, typically in Kenya for 5 shillings (a sixteenth of a dollar). Just enough to say: ‘I am on my way home’ or ‘What colour did you want?’
People adapt to mobiles
Cultural habits have had to adapt as mobile phones have spawned a new culture. Most people are on pre-paid (pay-as-you-go). This means you yourself have paid for your minutes, or seconds, and you are going to treasure them. This is not your boss’s office line which you could use all day.
Gone now are the long Luganda greetings I learned, which start as you spy your friend coming towards you along the village path with ‘Osibye otyanno … bulungi ssebo … mmm …. Eeee …. Mmmm …’ and continuing politely after you have exchanged the formal news (always ‘good’ of course) about family, cattle, crops and so on.
That costs you UNITS which you have paid for. Now, the maximum you can spare is ‘ki?’ or ‘oli okya?’ [Hi! How is it?].
You can talk at length when someone else is paying, but politeness has a battle with economy when you have called someone senior like your father. Quite often I find the person who called me trying to find a quick and polite way to put an end to my ramblings, because he is paying for the call. Occasionally they just cut you off. After all, batteries are always going dead; it’s an excuse everyone has used.
In Congo the old chunky phones displayed LOBATT a word now used universally there to describe any temporary loss of powers. Yes, that too.
It is noticeable how fast people can talk when it is costing them money! The phone companies must make more money if people have to talk in French or English because they are spoken much slower. With Swahili, Lingala or pidgin or a mother-tongue, it goes much, much faster. The Somalis may well hold the record after years of experience on short-wave radios, the only communication after the state collapsed. This has also lead them to treat the mobile more like a megaphone, shouting into them irrespective of the company they are in.
Everyone learns the subtleties of each network’s tariffs and they learn to count the time in their heads. The traditional African good memory kicks in here also. There is an uncanny ability to remember huge strings of numbers, even though the phone has a memory. [I am hard put to remember my own number, and am quite embarrassed by this; I just ask the person nearest me what my number is, should I actually need to know.]
Mobiles and youth
It is with Africa’s youth, just like everywhere, that the mobile has become a central part of culture. A boy without a phone, like the Somali youth without a gun, is, in his own eyes, nothing. It is the single most desirable object from the age of 12 up.
What city girl will go out with a boy if he isn’t able to give her a phone, or if she has one already, at least be pretty generous with phone cards?
How do you juggle your life these days, especially your love life, without a phone? To people who are AM (ante-mobile), it probably seems as though it was easier before the mobile phone but the phone makes it more exciting, and you have to be on your toes! There is the decision about whether to let the person you called know your number, because she might not answer when she sees your number. There is also beeping.
Beeping
Beeping or flashing when you don’t have units is another specific exercise. The fine art of ringing someone and cutting off before he answers is called beeping or flashing. It is done to save money. Some, usually students, who are always broke, keep just enough credit in the phone so they can beep. A student who is in boarding school and has run out of money will count on his mother, at least, to call her back when she beeps. She might well text you some phone credit as well, another art which is finely developed.
Between boy and girl it can be a trial of emotions. Will he call back? Will she just beep back? If it is part of an emotional game it has to be played carefully. Has he rejected you or he also simply doesn’t have units?
sms
Then there is the SMS, much cheaper than a call, and bearing close resemblance to the telegram in that it is necessary to be sparing with words. Look carefully as you sit in a seminar or long meeting and you’ll see that a few people are twiddling their fingers just below the facilitator’s line of sight. These are the inveterate texters catching up on various things, running their offices or their social life. I am one of them and make no apology for it. SMS has given everyone the freedom to multi-task, to use the long periods of boredom while waiting for something to happen or to finish, to send messages all over the world. I try to send messages in good English or French, but most people don’t bother, especially if they have not mastered predictive texting. Even those of us who think we have mastered it are capable of sending off ‘on fire’ instead of ’no fire’ or ‘me’ instead of ‘of’.
The fad for text language with its abbreviations (‘w8 4 me’) can make for problems when the basic knowledge of the language already shaky anyway, but we manage to understand most of the time.
SMS are international and have greatly added to the irritation of the diaspora, illegal migrant or otherwise, in Europe and North America as their family members back at home text them incessantly asking them to send money.
The BBC has greatly increased participation in its Africa service programmes with the use of SMS and so has East African TV which runs text greetings along the bottom of the screen. At a more personal level, last Christmas I had invited a few friends for dinner but the person who was to cook it was running late on a bus coming back from Nairobi. We prepared everything under his text instructions until he swept in with his backpack, two hours before the guests were to arrive and took over.
Inventiveness and adaptability
Mobile phones also give full play to the inventiveness and enterprise of youth. You can buy a cheap ‘locked’ telephone on a contract in London and have it unlocked anywhere in Africa for about $20. Local companies tried to restrict buyers with contracts but no one was having any of it. People wanted to use the freedom of choosing their own tariffs; having two phones (or more likely two SIM cards) is common.
All sorts of accessories are on sale everywhere from new ‘faces’ to flashing phone covers, to different types of earphone. As so often in Africa you can keep something going so much longer than you can in Europe (though bad handling and the climate may also hasten their eventual demise – it is astonishing how many people sit on their phones, or wash them in their shirts, or lose them in the pit latrine).
Every element of a call can be rented or subcontracted. You can pay to have your phone charged in towns that have no electricity. You go for a swim and the lifeguard will put your phone somewhere with everyone else’s and tell you when it rings.
In villages that are just beyond the coverage of the local transmitter entrepreneurs build towers to catch the signal and charge you to climb up. For a year or so the refugee camps at Adjumani were not in the reception zone of any of the companies, except for one tiny patch at one end of the airstrip, and on one termite mound near town where you could make and receive calls. One of the snapshots I never took, to my regret, is of people lining up to climb the termite mound to make calls!
Phones and domination
One of the major indications of the power Rwanda held over Eastern Congo was when their sole mobile company put up huge masts on the hills of the two border towns leading into Congo, providing mobile service to Goma and Bukavu, but much more importantly to their troops deep inside Congo. Rwandacell became a symbol in the conflict with people demonstrating against Rwanda’s hegemony by tearing up their phone cards (after using them of course) to protest Tutsi domination of Eastern Congo.
Generally speaking only a government can do that. Any overflow to another country is usually accidental, though people will take advantage of price differentials. The fact that most phones in the world are GSM and use the same style of SIM card also assists when moving from one country to another. At one time I carried as many as 8 SIM cards around as I travelled. Roaming in Africa is still not common and when it exists it is very expensive.
Now in Southern Sudan
We were all left to wonder then when the new SPLM authorities in South Sudan approved a non-GSM system in Rumbek and Yei. Was it a deliberate continuation of the rebels’ long-standing, and in the days of satellites, meaningless policy of restricting communication, or was it just a mistake? Or more likely, had that entrepreneur got to the right official first?
Whatever it is, South Sudan will go through the same phases as every other country. People will answer their phones in seminars, forget to put them on ‘silent’, use their seniority to get away with being very rude, answering all phones whenever they ring. And, interestingly, this will all sort itself out in a few months. Now it’s actually fairly rare to hear a phone ring in company; most people put them on ‘vibrate’.
Its own set of jokes
The mobile has also spawned its own stories and urban myths; inevitably, given its close connection with all aspects of social life.
Finding your phone
A man noticed that his phone had disappeared while he was having beer and roast chicken in one of the ubiquitous ‘joints’ around Kampala. When you ‘miss’ your phone you call it immediately from another phone and it will ring, unless it has been stolen and the thief has turned it off. In this case it rang quite near, the classical piece he had chosen. In fact, the Ode to Joy.
But where was it coming from? Triangulating in, they reached the chicken boy’s barbecue grill, and there it was, inside one of the cooked chickens waiting to be sold. The boy had lifted the phone with some dirty plates and stuffed it into the chicken.
There were endless reports of phones going off in embarrassing places, like the phone of your friend ringing in your own marital bedroom when you call him. But then Charles and Diana had a bit of a problem like that when Last Number Redial first started.
The phone and the boss
When I was head of the UNICEF sub-office in Goma I was told that Carol Bellamy the head of the agency was coming for 36 hours. Now, heads of UNICEF offices quail at such a visit, which could only be likened to a tsunami coming, and caused at least as much stress as the day a few months later the town was sliced in two by a lava flow.
We had the usual contradictory advance programmes, the usual confusing instructions and of course we more or less stopped everything for the visit. Fellow victims e-mailed me from all over the world giving me advice. One told me: never, ever, let her be separated from her luggage.
Just before the visit I got an e-mail from her office asking me to make sure that a phone would be available for her and to send the number. This I did and added a couple of flippant remarks confirming that it would have international access and that she could call ‘Tallahassee, Schenectady and ..’ without problems’. When I next checked my e-mail there was a flood of messages from top to bottom of the UNICEF hierarchy. I hadn’t noticed that my reply had been automatically copied to Carol herself. Though there was nothing but a few flippant words I was given to understand that I would probably be hung, drawn and quartered, by my own boss first and then by everyone else. I was guilty of lese-majesté.
The day dawned, she arrived on time. My boss, Martin Mogwanja, from Kinshasa came first out of the executive jet, and promptly fell down the steps, injuring his knee. Then, Bill, the security officer who came with them from Kinshasa, without consulting anyone, re-organised the convoy we had set up so carefully. In one of those awful inevitabilities her luggage went to the wrong hotel, because of this re-organisation of the convoy. As Martin sat nursing his knee, and I tried to make small talk while trying to solve the luggage problem on the mobile glued to my ear, I felt my last days had come.
Well, the luggage arrived, the visit went well, despite Carole deciding on our field trip to distribute the lunch sandwiches herself on the plane back from Lake Albert, so I had to run round retrieving the pork ones from the Muslims.
She was interested, very well-informed and pleasant, reserving strong remarks (she can limit her vocabulary to very few short pungent words) for deserving targets. Then having changed in my office for the next lap, she handed me back the phone and laughed and said, well, I didn’t call Tallahassee!
An anti-poverty device
It was not long before Ugandans discovered the business and marketing advantages of mobiles and developed many inventive uses for them. Today an NGO called Foodnet provides national commodity prices by SMS and has wiped out exploitative middlemen by letting the farmer know directly what today’s price for rice, or matooke (cooking banana), or sim-sim is in the main towns.
On the lakes fishermen catch the huge Nile perch, phone up a Kampala hotel from their dugout canoe, bargain and sell it, and then call their cooperative to have a pick-up van with ice waiting at the landing site to rush it to the hotel before lunch. None of this was possible before; perishable commodities were sold for next to nothing to rapacious middlemen.
Whatever you call it (Mobairu, portable, mobailo, cellullaire for starters) the mobile phone is a true anti-poverty device. The fixed and clunky Internet cannot yet fulfil this role.
Opening up the political space, uniting the people
The mobile phone had an astounding effect in the Congo after the country reunified in 2003. People who had lost contact for years could talk to each other. Just as when the phones started again in Goma (courtesy of those huge Rwanda towers) the day after the volcanic eruption people could call across the hot lava to find out what had happened to their house or the rest of the family, people in Bukavu or Kisangani could call their relatives in Kinshasa or Lubumbashi and begin to catch up with their news.
There was another side. In Bunia the militias and their warlords and their representatives in Kinshasa also used the phones to communicate. I wondered sometimes if the occasional cutting off of phone service was to prevent this but over my time there I saw no evidence that the warlords’ phones were being tapped either by the government or by UN forces, though this would have been a sensible thing to do.
In Uganda Joseph Kony, the rebel leader, used to call FM radio phone-in programmes from the bush. It was this that made people realise that the government was not very serious about capturing him, since even if they could not triangulate to find him the should certainly be able to detect whatever generator he was using in the bush to charge the phones.
Drama at the VIP lounge
One day in Uganda I was in a communal taxi coming back from giving lectures at Nkumba University. There was a sudden excitement among the rest of the passengers. They were listening to one of the numerous FM radios which was relaying the voice of someone calling excitedly in. He was calling from the VIP lounge at the airport, not far from where we were. He was an ordinary citizen (OK, not quite, as he was in the VIP lounge) who was witnessing the attempted arrest, or kidnap, by plain-clothes men of a politician who had just defected from the ruling party to join the not-quite-legal opposition.
The breathless reporting by him and others was blow by blow as the target resisted arrest; at one point the German Ambassador intervened and sat on the politician to try to prevent him being carried away. He was finally taken away on some spurious grounds, but the government had been extremely embarrassed and the man was released not long after. The mobile phone and the FM radio had triumphed. So had democracy.
Words: 3550
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Appendix
E-mail or mobile?
The internet spread slowly across Africa at the same time as the mobile was spreading by leaps and bounds. By 2000 most towns had an internet café (in fact ‘café’ now means Internet Café in several countries). When you looked into the café what did you see? Nine young men to one woman. Many doing e-mail, more consulting pornographic sites, and a very few looking anything else up. Now it is changing, in the big cities, and curiously, in Somalia, there are more women, and certain types of business research goes on, like into the sale of second-hand cars from Japan or Dubai.
Many more people are using e-mail, or like the heavily veiled girls you see in Somali internet cafés, instant messaging. Yet, compared to the mobile phone the internet has several disadvantages, starting with the problems of setting it up, maintaining an electricity supply and paying for the line.
I recently watched a person who was just learning about the Internet and was keen to get on line, stumble over the ten to twelve necessary steps from switching on the computer, clicking on icons, through Windows, passwords and other paraphernalia. Even when he reached his e-mail he was completely fazed by the task of sorting out the adverts from the text. Compare this with the way the mobile phone has developed: no wires, simple buttons, portability and privacy.
In Mozambique in 2000, an Australian benevolent foundation connected a teacher’s training college to the Internet. There were three computers, one was in the principal’s office and always worked but no one else had access to it.
One was in the common room. It was usually broken down.
There was one in the library ‘for reference’. A quick glance round the library showed that there was no reference culture in the college. The book ‘selection’ was a set of random donations, not even all in Portuguese. The dusty books, even the encyclopaedias, were virtually never used because the teaching style did not require any independent research. For the library, read Internet.
By contrast, the mobile phone is simple and elegant. You carry it in your hand; it’s ready to work immediately, and in the form of SMS it serves as a sort of simple e-mail. A quick look anywhere in Africa will show that it is the mobile phone which is the really revolutionary device, ensuring a massive flow of information between individuals, saving time and increasing individuals’ efficiency, where transport is poor and mass media slow and not always accurate.
The mobile phone is a precision instrument compared to the blunt tool of the Internet.

Thursday, January 25, 2007

Some photos that illustrate some points.

The first one is on the edge of a displaced camp in Northern Uganda. If you look carefully you can see five sets of latrines. Fair enough, but they seem to be from five different generations or at least five different NGOs ... subtly different styles and no doubt incorporated into annual reports. Makes you wonder doesn't it? What exactly are the indicators for the success of a latrine. Who will dare to measure them?




While we are on that I have often wondered if pupils are the beneficiaries of a school and patients are the beneficiaries of a hospital who are the beneficiaries of a prison?















This shade is for the baby sitters and the 126 babies of our 125 young women doing catch-up courses. This is one of the most effective ways to get the youjng women back into education. Contact asutai@yahoo.com for more information.













Do you know what this is all about? In many places a child 'qualifies' to start school if he can touch his ear like this.













This is oone of the youth radios I work on. This one within the War Child Canada project in Baraka DRC. This is before WCC added some more professional equipment - but still it broadcasts and youth get great experience. We also trained the youth in presentation, technical matters and peer education.